News
In July, Russian courts handed down 86 verdicts in political cases, sentencing 108 people to time in prison. The Insider, together with a data research center headed by Kirill Parubets, continues to document the monthly toll of repression — naming every person deprived of their freedom for political reasons or for taking action in opposition to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Among the 108 people sentenced to actual prison terms were:
● 55 Ukrainian prisoners of war prosecuted on “terrorism” charges; 51 of them were captured in Russia’s Kursk region and, in effect, convicted simply for crossing the border;
● 37 individuals sentenced under severe charges of terrorism, treason, and espionage.
● 16 people were given prison terms for social media posts, “desecrating symbols of military glory,” or over alleged ties to so-called “undesirable” and “extremist” organizations.
Last month, the number of people given actual prison sentences in politically motivated criminal cases was significantly higher — 145. The decline in July, however, is not a sign that the repression has eased, but rather a result of Russia’s traditional summer holiday season: judges, like other government officials, tend to take their vacations in July and August, causing court proceedings to be postponed.
“Treason,” “Terrorism,” and “Espionage”
In Russia, the terms “terrorism,” “treason,” and “espionage” are interpreted as broadly as possible. For a Russian citizen, almost any contact with Ukraine can be deemed “treason,” while— for foreign nationals, the charge for such activities is typically “espionage.” Many of these charges are brought against residents of Ukraine’s occupied territories, as well as against Russians who oppose the invasion of Ukraine and attempt to resist it.
On July 2, Andrei Smirnov, from Belovo, was sentenced to 16 years in prison over cyberattacks that took the websites of several Russian companies offline. The Kemerovo Regional Court found Smirnov guilty of treason and of using malicious software. According to the RIA Novosti Russian state-controlled media outlet, Smirnov had joined a Ukrainian intelligence cyberunit before the cyberattacks took place.
Also on July 2, the Baltic Fleet Military Court sentenced 34-year-old Uzbek citizen Kallibek Yeseniyazov to seven years in prison for allegedly attempting to join the “Freedom of Russia” Legion, which is designated as a terrorist organization in Russia. According to the court, Yeseniyazov sought to reach Ukraine via third countries and received instructions from recruiters before flying to Kaliningrad, where he planned to cross illegally into Poland. Prior to that, he had made other attempts to enter Ukraine through different countries.
On July 16, the Russian-installed “Supreme Court” of the occupied Luhansk region sentenced 49-year-old Ukrainian citizen Svitlana Haieva to 15 years in prison on charges of espionage. Investigators claim she gathered information about the movements and locations of Russian troops in occupied territory and passed it to Ukrainian intelligence.
In July alone, at least 37 people in Russia and the occupied territories were handed prison terms on similar charges. And the actual number is likely much higher: courts often refrain from publishing press releases or details regarding such convictions, making it impossible for those without insider information to determine whether a case is politically motivated. As The Insider has previously reported, Russian courts issue an average of 94 terrorism-related verdicts every month, and human rights defenders estimate that at least a third of these cases are politically motivated.
Trials for Prisoners of War
Judges from the 2nd Western District Military Court — who travel from Moscow to Kursk to preside over trials — continued handing down sentences to Ukrainian servicemen captured in the Kursk region. In July, 38 such verdicts were issued against 51 prisoners of war.
All were found guilty of committing a “terrorist act” and were sentenced to between 14 and 17 years in prison. That “act” constituted nothing more than crossing into Russian territory as part of the Ukrainian military’s 2024 offensive. Press releases from the Investigative Committee use identical wording to describe what amounts to conventional military operations:
“…carrying an AK-74 assault rifle and grenades, together with other servicemen, unlawfully crossed the State Border of the Russian Federation, entered the Kursk region, and proceeded deeper into its territory with the aim of carrying out terrorist activities.”
“…arrived at his assigned sector near the village of Daryino in the Sudzha district of the Kursk region and began setting up and reinforcing observation and firing positions with the aim of blocking the area and keeping it under armed control.”
Outside the Kursk region, four additional verdicts against Ukrainian prisoners of war became publicly known in July. All involved charges related to service in the “Azov” and “Aidar” units, which Russian courts classify as terrorist organizations.
On July 1, the Southern District Military Court in Rostov-on-Don sentenced Ukrainian prisoner of war Dmytro Shanaiev to 20 years in prison. He was found guilty of “participating in a terrorist organization” and “undergoing training for the purpose of carrying out terrorist activities” — charges that were based solely on his service as a personnel officer in the Azov Regiment. Shanaiev was captured in the spring of 2022 after the surrender of Azovstal.
Prison Terms for Social Media Posts, “Desecrating Symbols of Military Glory,” and Alleged Ties to Banned Organizations
In July, 13 verdicts came to light in which 16 people were sentenced to prison terms for non-violent actions: making online statements, transferring money to so-called “undesirable” and “extremist” organizations, participating in banned groups, or taking part in other activities that the authorities classified as “justifying terrorism” or “desecrating symbols of military glory.” Notably, authorities continue the practice of fabricating new criminal charges against people who are already serving sentences — sometimes based solely on conversations that the inmates have with fellow prisoners. The Insider has documented this practice in detail.
On July 4, the 2nd Eastern District Military Court handed down a new sentence to 21-year-old Angarsk native Dmitry Zimin, who had already been convicted of preparing to commit treason. Zimin was found guilty of “justifying terrorism” over statements he allegedly made while in pre-trial detention. According to the prosecution, Zimin’s combined sentences now amount to eight and a half years in a high-security penal colony. In November 2024, he was sentenced to eight years for allegedly attempting to join the “Freedom of Russia” Legion.
On July 15, Moscow’s Timiryazevsky District Court sentenced Ukrainian citizen Liudmyla Honchar to three years in prison for donating 1,000 rubles (about $12) to the late Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK), which is designated as an extremist organization in Russia. Moscow’s Presnensky District Court imposed an identical sentence on Dmitry Marsov for making five donations of 300 rubles (about $3) each to FBK. Marsov admitted guilt, said he had long since stopped contributing, and explained his decision at the time as being motivated by “patriotic sentiments.”
That same day, the Nevinnomyssk City Court delivered a verdict in a case of “desecrating symbols of military glory” against Arslanbek Aliyev, Gusen Aliyev, Shamil Magomedov, and Magomed Imiev. All four natives of Dagestan were sentenced to between two years and three months and two and a half years in a penal settlement for warming their feet by the local Eternal Flame and standing on its guardrail.
One of the most high-profile cases in July was the sentencing of journalist Olga Komleva. On July 29, the Kirovsky District Court of Ufa sentenced her to 12 years in prison on charges of collaborating with FBK and for “spreading false information” about the Russian military. The hearings were held behind closed doors, and the details of the charges remain unknown. Komleva, who has diabetes and is raising a son, previously worked with RusNews, covering protests in Bashkortostan.
This list of sentences is not exhaustive — it is based on information from public sources. Courts and law enforcement press services do not release details of all rulings, and even fewer hearings can be attended by journalists. In some cases, the exact date of sentencing cannot be established; in such instances, the date of the first public report is used. The list excludes sentences handed down in absentia — it covers only cases in which people were actually imprisoned.